Beijing (AsiaNews/SCMP) – The central government claims to view elections for the formation of councils of 35,400 Chinese cities and 2,800 counties as an important test of direct democracy and a way to improve local politics. But many local authorities, in order to cling to power, are creating obstacles in the way of million of voters and many candidates are prey to persistent hindrances and intimidation.

Of 900 million voters, 150 million are migrant workers who have been excluded from previous elections because they were non-resident. In Shenzhen, out of 10 million people, only about 1.5 million "natives" were eligible to vote but protests forced the government to make changes. Migrants can now vote as long as they have approval from local authorities and can verify the transfer.

According to law, a citizen only needs an identification document to vote, but local authorities ask for plenty of papers, using the opportunity to collect information about migrants that they can use for other purposes, such as family planning.

A voter in the Dushu constituency in Lohu district said the election office asked for "identification documents, proof of your address, proof of income, a police statement that says you have no criminal record and your marriage certificate. If you are a married woman with a child, you also have to provide a medical certificate." As a result, in 2005, only 30 people out of Dushu's 4,000 residents signed up as voters and just 14 cast ballots.

Jiang Shan, a candidate, said many local authorities "are unwilling to share their power and to accept public monitoring. They do whatever they can to rig the election" and to "have only their people elected". Jiang said: "According to law, the head of the district government must resign if 10 representatives jointly propose a motion to impeach him."

Jiang said "the majority of people still know nothing about imminent elections" on 28 September. "The election office said they had limited resources and couldn't make leaflets or banners" so he decided, together with a few other people, to hand out flyers and to put up a banner to remind people to register and to vote.  But security guards immediately tore it down. Jiang was later told his voter registration application had been rejected; he was not told why.

In Shenzhen, candidates were meant to present themselves between August 17 and 19 but most people in Shenzhen knew nothing about it because of a media blackout. Zou Tao, 32 years, best known in Shenzhen for his campaign against rising property prices, said that when he announced his intention to run for the election, he was summoned by several "government officers" who advised him to "stop making trouble". They told Zou not to talk to "outside" media. Zou collected thousands of signatures supporting his cause but eventually, as a friend of his informed the press, he "voluntarily" surrendered his voting right after "careful consideration".

Lu Banglie, a political activist who was beaten up by thugs for helping residents of Taishi in their struggle against their mayor's corruption, said he would run for the Zhijiang elections in Hubei, where he was elected in 2003. But he still does not know whether his name is among the list of candidates usually drawn up "behind closed doors". Most candidates are still "recommended" by leaders of the local Communist Party or government officials.

In elections in Meige village, Guangdong, dozens of residents protested outside the police station on 12 September after local authorities denied a vote to many who had protested in Beijing against the expropriation of agricultural land at minimal price. There were clashes and people were injured. Protests spread the following day, with neighbouring communities joining in. Dozens of police turned up and arrested more than 10 people.