Milan (AsiaNews) – What lends greater significance to the defence cooperation agreement signed on 17 September in Paris by King Abdullah II of Jordan and French President Emmanuel Macron is probably the very moment it was signed.
Whilst the French head of state and the Hashemite monarch were putting their commitment to deepening military and security cooperation between the two countries in writing, the Middle East appeared to be adding new flashpoints to a war that already knew no boundaries. In Yemen, the Houthis were consolidating their positions on the Red Sea coast, effectively tightening their grip on Bab el-Mandeb, the strait through which key trade and energy routes between the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean pass. At the same time, new attacks were launched against Saudi targets. On 17 September, Saudi Arabia intercepted a drone heading for Taif, following missile and drone launches in the preceding days.
Jordan’s ‘contradiction’
But it is the most recent developments (the 19 September attack on Riyadh and against a facility belonging to the oil giant Aramco in Yanbu, on the Red Sea) that clearly demonstrate just how difficult it has now become for the states in the region to stay out of the conflict. Jordan, more than any other, is aware of this difficulty.
The small Hashemite Kingdom is, in fact, situated in a geographical position that exposes it to virtually every regional upheaval: to the north lies Syria, to the west Israel and the West Bank, to the south Saudi Arabia, whilst to the east lies the route from Iraq towards Iran. Added to this is a factor that is anything but theoretical: the massive US military presence on Jordanian soil, which makes Amman a target.
The Muwaffaq Salti airbase in Azraq, which hosts US forces, has been struck in recent weeks by Iranian missiles, causing damage to several American aircraft. Back in July, an Iranian attack on the base had already resulted in casualties amongst US military personnel. Jordan thus finds itself caught in a delicate dilemma: it is a close, very close ally of Washington, but at the same time must prevent its territory from becoming an extension of the war between the United States, Israel and Iran.
It is against this backdrop that the Franco-Jordanian document should be interpreted. The joint declaration signed in Paris describes the partnership between the two countries in the defence and security sectors as “essential” and emphasises that Franco-Jordanian coordination must contribute to efforts towards regional “de-escalation”.
The text specifies that it will provide “a comprehensive framework” for organising the various aspects of military and security cooperation and for strengthening the two countries’ capacity to address “new challenges and constantly evolving threats”.
Amman: a “cornerstone”
One passage in particular in the declaration captures the situation in which Amman finds itself. “The President of the French Republic affirmed France’s commitment to supporting Jordan’s security and stability,” the document states, describing that security as a “cornerstone” of stability in the Middle East. And Paris, in the same text, condemns “in the strongest possible terms” the Iranian attacks that have struck Jordan, reaffirming its solidarity with the Hashemite Kingdom.
This is certainly not an automatic guarantee of French military intervention in the event of a new attack, but a political and institutional commitment that carries particular weight for a country that often perceives itself as a clay pot amongst iron pots. For Abdullah II, it means being able to count on an additional channel of military cooperation, alongside the historic relationship with Washington, and to strengthen his country’s defensive capabilities.
The statement itself, in fact, links national security to the regional context. France and Jordan “have reaffirmed the need to guarantee freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz” and, in the same passage, “maritime security and freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb”. The reference to these two waterways is no coincidence: Hormuz has become one of the main points of friction in the standoff with Iran, whilst the Red Sea is once again under attack from the Houthis.
The other fronts
The same approach is evident in the section devoted to Lebanon. Abdullah and Macron, together with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, opened a meeting of the Aqaba Process in Paris dedicated to the Lebanese Armed Forces. The aim: to mobilise international support, identify the army’s needs, back Lebanon’s efforts to “strengthen sovereignty over its entire territory” and ensure “the state’s monopoly on weapons” (the reference is to the disarmament of Hezbollah), whilst also calling for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701.
The reference to state institutions also recurs when discussing Syria. Paris and Amman reaffirm their support for “the unity, security, stability and sovereignty of Syria” and for the Damascus government’s reconstruction efforts, “in accordance with the aspirations of the Syrian people and the rights of all its constituent groups”.
The Palestinian question features in another key passage. France and Jordan call for “concrete steps, according to a clear timetable”, towards the establishment of an independent and sovereign Palestinian state within the borders of 4 June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side with Israel “in peace and security”. The two countries reaffirm their opposition to any attempt to annex the West Bank or to transfer the Palestinian population, and condemn the Israeli ‘E1’ project (which aims to establish a territorial link between East Jerusalem and the central West Bank). In the same passage, Macron recognises “the essential role” of the Hashemite monarchy as custodian of the Holy Sites in Jerusalem.
Gaza is also mentioned in the document. Paris and Amman call for the implementation of the US peace plan and Security Council Resolution 2803, alongside the “protection of civilians” and “unhindered and sufficient” access for humanitarian aid. Whilst Israeli raids continue in the Strip, with further Palestinian casualties in recent days, the total death toll provided by the Gaza health authorities has exceeded 73,900 since October 2023.
Finally, there is a chapter which, for Jordan, is of vital importance to say the least: the one concerning water. France has confirmed its financial involvement, and that of its companies, in the project to desalinate water in Aqaba and transport it to Amman – one of the key infrastructure projects through which Jordan is seeking to tackle its chronic water shortage. The aim is to produce around 300 million cubic metres of drinking water per year.
Military cooperation, therefore, is merely one aspect of the relationship. Yet it is the one that takes on the greatest significance in the current context. France, a European power with a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, has chosen to link its regional presence to the security of one of its closest Arab partners. Jordan, for its part, is strengthening a relationship that can offer it additional capabilities and new partners, whilst it finds itself exposed to the devastating effects of a war it did not choose and in which almost all its neighbours are involved, either directly or indirectly.
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