From Tajikistan to Kazakhstan, thousands of young people are currently studying at colleges and universities opened in recent years by Moscow, where teaching is conducted in Russian. The aim is to make a long-term investment in the new generation, who have no memory of the Soviet era and are increasingly exposed to Western and Chinese influences.
EU Special Representative Stiprais is calling for an update to cooperation policies that takes account of the increasingly close ties between the countries in the region, which have been highlighted by Kyrgyzstan’s election to the UN Security Council. The “shared” Kambarata hydroelectric power station and the local satellite internet connection system are the flagship projects.
Even during the Soviet era, the region had a unified energy system linking Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Today, the idea of an electricity grid that optimises infrastructure is gaining traction again, given that energy demand in the region could rise by around 40 per cent by 2030.
The Director General of the IAEA, Rafael Grossi, has spoken of Kazakhstan as a possible third-party custodian of Tehran’s enriched uranium. Astana possesses significant nuclear expertise and, since 2019, has hosted the world’s only low-enriched uranium bank. The main obstacle is not logistics, but trust: only Russia and China could guarantee Iran the return of its uranium should the agreement fail.
Following the entry into force of new EU regulations providing for facilities in third countries, Astana and Tashkent are being cited as possible locations. These proposals are linked to their proximity to Afghanistan and the availability of vast tracts of land. Brussels would offer visa facilitation in return. However, the two countries in question have denied the reports, partly due to domestic opposition.
With technical support from the United Arab Emirates, the government in Astana is the first in Central Asia to trial cloud-seeding systems, designed to provide moisture to agricultural land even during dry seasons. But former Kyrgyz Prime Minister Akylbek Zaparov has sounded the alarm: artificially induced rainfall in one region could have a negative impact on the climate of another.
His son issued an appeal trying to mobilise the international community. Zhenghis Reskhan is a prominent figure in Xinjiang's literary circles. For now, neither Kazakhstan’s embassy in China nor Chinese authorities have made any official statement about the case.
The foundation stone for a Centre for Turkic Civilisation was recently laid in Astana. It is a symbolic site of integration that responds to Moscow’s century-long attempt to erase this identity within its own “backyard”. And which has now, instead, discovered its own power as the guardian of the main energy and logistics arteries between East and West.
The countries of Central Asia are also taking steps within the framework of strengthening regional cooperation in defence systems, a process triggered by the war in the Middle East. Kazakhstan has announced the opening of its airspace to military flights from Turkey. Together with Uzbekistan, it aims to strengthen the alliance between the Turanian states through coordination plans with European nations.
A regional summit on environmental policies is currently taking place in the capital of Kazakhstan, alongside a meeting of the countries participating in the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea. With the Bishkek government aiming to link the issue of Kyrgyzstan’s melting glaciers to the delicate environmental balance of the whole of Central Asia.
Sentences for ‘incitement to racial hatred’ have been handed down to 19 activists from the Atažurt movement, which campaigns on behalf of relatives detained alongside Uyghurs in Xinjiang’s ‘re-education camps’. Initially charged with violating protest regulations, the offence was upgraded following a note from the Chinese consulate in Almaty describing the actions as “open provocation”.
Established in 1991 to regulate relations between the republics of the former Soviet empire, the CIS has failed to prevent conflicts in Georgia, Ukraine and the Caucasus, and its leadership lacks the capacity to take decisive action. Whilst Kazakhstan regards it as a ‘working tool’, its policy no longer looks solely towards Moscow.
President Tokayev secured the endorsement he sought with the usual “Soviet-style” vote margins. He now faces the challenge of truly making Astana a model for the region, with a political system capable of balancing the strength of the state with popular consent. The first test will be the parliamentary elections scheduled for this summer.
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