South Korea burnt out by political and generational confrontation

The country is at a crossroad. It must find ways to reconcile the needs of the economy and democracy with its commitment to its US alliance and reunification.

Seoul (AsiaNews) – The air is tense these days in South Korea's capital. On August 15, the 59th anniversary of the liberation from Japanese colonial rule, 10,000 students from Yonsei University marched in protest against South Korea's alliance with the US and in favour of reunification with North Korea. The previous day about 3,000 people gathered in front of City Hall to celebrate the 56th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of Korea (ROK) in 1948, and to deplore the leftwing shift of the country's new government. Police presence was massive in both cases.

Whatever their ideological and emotional, for many observers both events are symptomatic of a growing cleavage in South Korean society that is sapping the country's strength at a time when it needs it most to face its current economic woes.

After ten years of rapid economic growth and dynamic social development, if one read Is the Republic of Korea sinking? by former Health Minister and Hanseo University professor Lee Tae-bok, the ROK seems to be in a quagmire.

According to Professor Lee Jung-hee of Hankuk University of Foreign Studies the country seems to be split into two camps –"conservatives vs. progressives"– and torn between seemingly contradictory processes –"industrialisation vs. democratisation; over 50 generation vs. 20/30 something."

For many observers current difficulties are just growing pains, not an existential crisis, rooted in the outcome of last April's parliamentary elections when progressive parties defeated conservative parties by a good margin. Important differences on economic and foreign policy issues underlie ideological and emotional divisions.

The ruling progressive URI government remains hopeful about the future of the economy. Any clouds are temporary and should disappear as the international situation brightens and South Korean society becomes more participatory.

Against this optimistic view many counter –and they are not all rightwing– that economic stagnation is structural, not short-term. The ground work for the "Miracle on the Han River", so called after the river that runs through Seoul, was laid down in the 1960s and 1970s by then dictator Park Chung-hee (president from 1960 to 1979), and was based on government-led economic development.

This model of economic development has not evolved despite democratisation of South Korean society and the globalisation of its economic relations. It still permeates existing democratic institutions and practices imbuing them with a permanent state of confrontation.

"The nation lost 25 years," writes Lee Tae-bok, "because Korean society and politics have remained in an extremely confrontational structure after the dictatorship of former President Park."

Although the naïve idealism of the younger generations explains the recent foreign policy shift away from the US, not all segments of South Korean society are moving in that direction.

In its liberation day issue, the influential Korea Herald published the results of a survey conducted among members of South Korea's National Assembly which showed that 79.9% thought that the US was South Korea's most trustworthy partner compared to only 11.5% for North Korea, and 5.7% for China. Four months ago China was favoured by 63% and the US by 26%.

Only the politics of integration can overcome the prevailing confrontational state of affairs. Whatever their differences the various political forces and different generations have something positive to offer. It is imperative that political elites find ways to integrate them. Even though the road appears long president Roh Moo-hyun seems to be moving in the right direction.

• south
• korea
• north
• korea
• politics
• economy
• diplomacy
• foreign
• policy
• usa
• united
• states
• of
• america