A centrist alliance to stand against Takaichi’s snap election gamble
The main opposition party and Komeito, which left the governing coalition government, plan to create a new political entity to stand against the ruling LDP. Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi plans to call a snap election to capitalise on her current honeymoon with voters to get a strong majority. The vote, which could come as early as 8 February, risks complicating the short-term management of the country’s economic crisis.
Tokyo (AsiaNews) – The leaders of Japan's main opposition party, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ), and Komeito, a traditionally pacifist party supported by the Buddhist community, have agreed to create a new political entity to unite centrist forces ahead of upcoming elections.
Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, head of the conservative Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), recently informed coalition partners of her intention to dissolve the House of Representatives at the next session of the National Diet (parliament) on 23 January, paving the way for the election to the 465-seat lower house. The vote could be held as early as 8 February.
According to Japanese press reports, the plan to set up a centrist alliance is expected to begin pragmatically, initially involving only MPs, while senators and local elected officials would formally remain in their respective parties.
The idea, explained by CDPJ leader Yoshihiko Noda, is to proceed "step by step," using the new entity as a "starting line" for broader integration. But striking a balance between different identities might not be easy since the CDPJ and Komeito have divergent positions on national security, nuclear power, and constitutional reform.
While the project's promoters say that a shared platform is quickly achievable, other opposition parties, such as the Democratic Party for the People (DPFP), have already criticised the "centrist" label as too vague, describing the move as an electoral tactic rather than a genuine shift.
For the CDPJ and Komeito, the goal is twofold: to present a platform capable of appealing to moderates and, above all, reach electoral agreements in single-member constituencies, where the dispersion of opposition votes often hands decisive wins to the conservative LDP. Japan’s lower house of parliament includes 289 single-member constituencies and 176 seats assigned by proportional representation.
Komeito, which in unprecedented fashion broke its alliance with the LDP recently after decades of political collaboration, intends to maintain the strategy it has adopted so far to favour its coalition partners, i.e. avoiding fielding its own candidates in single-member constituencies, in order to channel votes to a common front.
According to an estimate cited by Nikkei Asia, the LDP could lose a significant share of single-member seats without Komeito’s support, the LDP’s governing partner for 26 years, which left the coalition after Takaichi took over the party.
The LDP leader is opting for early elections to fully capitalise on the momentum she enjoys, rather than maintaining the current weak majority that props up her government.
The prime minister inherited an unstable political situation, due to a long period marked by financial scandals and voters’ dissatisfaction with the rising cost of living.
Since taking office, however, her approval ratings have jumped thanks to promises of economic recovery, immigration reforms, and an agenda of boosting national security in a tense regional context.
According to a recent NHK poll cited by Reuters, approval for her leadership stands at 62 per cent.
The prime minister's plan, therefore, is to use the current favourable moment to secure a more robust parliamentary mandate and, above all, reduce dependence on smaller allies.
At present, the LDP holds 199 seats and governs with the support of the Japan Innovation Party (Ishin), which has 34 seats, for a total of 233, the bare minimum for a majority in the 465-seat chamber.
This slim majority makes it harder to pass reforms and manage internal tensions within the right-wing bloc.
However, nothing suggests that Takaichi’s gamble will succeed. In fact, the leading issues that will dominate the election campaign, the cost of living and security, are also the most divisive.
Furthermore, early elections could delay the approval of measures needed to authorise the issuance of bonds to cover crucial spending bills.
Japan, in fact, must finance a very large portion of its budget with borrowing, and postponing the legislative process could complicate financial management just ahead of the end of the fiscal year in March.
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