Myanmar votes amid empty polling stations and violence: Junta's desperate attempt at legitimacy
The first phase of the military elections is marked by allegations of fraud, electronic voting malfunctions and popular boycotts. The USDP party was declared the winner before the polls opened. The management highlighted the junta's limited control amid arrests, internet blackouts and the absence of credible international observers.
Yangon (AsiaNews) - The first phase of the military regime's general elections, which began yesterday, descended into chaos, highlighting the junta's shaky control over Myanmar and the overwhelming rejection by the population of what international observers have condemned as a ‘sham’ democratic process.
The contrast with previous elections in Myanmar could not be more stark. In 2015 and 2020, millions of citizens queued before dawn, their fingers proudly stained with purple ink, driven by the hope of a democratic future.
At that time, voter enthusiasm was extraordinary and the world watched Myanmar embrace real political change. Today, those polling stations have remained empty. In major cities, including Yangon, Mandalay and Myitkyina, residents staged a silent mass protest by simply staying home.
‘We have no interest in these sham elections,’ said Zaw Maw, a Yangon resident. ‘Why should we participate in a lie that only serves to maintain military power? Everyone knows the outcome is already decided,’ he said quietly.
Suspicions of electoral fraud were confirmed almost immediately. The early voting ballot boxes opened on 26 December in Yangon contained only votes for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). A hopelessly frustrated opposition candidate from the People's Party confirmed that "all the votes were only for the USDP; there was not a single vote for the other parties'.
In the evening, the BBC reported that the USDP had already “won” all the seats in Naypyidaw, the regime's fortress capital, with a landslide victory that only reinforced allegations of manipulation even before the polls opened. The country's most popular party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), was dissolved and banned from participating, while its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, remains in prison.
Then, the junta's attempt to modernise the voting system with electronic voting machines (MEVM) was a resounding flop. In Sittwe, Rakhine State, the BBC again documented technical malfunctions throughout the day.
The situation worsened in the Sagaing and Magway regions: at 10 a.m., a blackout hit Monywa, Shwebo and Pakokku, leaving election staff staring at blank screens. Observers are questioning how it was possible to proceed with “electronic” voting without electricity, symptomatic of the collapse of infrastructure under the military regime.
Where persuasion failed, the army resorted to intimidation and violence. In Monywa, Sagaing region, the Mandalay Free Press reported that a few hours before voting began, the junta deployed two tanks and six armoured vehicles to patrol the streets. Soldiers stopped motorists at the gate of the Ye-U rice shop on the Monywa-Mandalay highway, physically forcing them to vote on the spot.
Across the country, civil servants and residents were subjected to systematic coercion. Administrators, armed with “family lists”, threatened citizens with arrest or loss of employment if they refused to vote.
The authorities imposed a strict digital blackout, cutting off or restricting internet access in around 80 municipalities to prevent communication of resistance. More than 200 people were arrested in the 48 hours leading up to the vote for criticising the government on social media, under the new ‘Election Protection Law’.
Security collapsed violently in several regions. In Karen State, three bombs exploded near the USDP office and the district administrative office. The severity of the attacks could force the election to be cancelled.
In Kachin State, the explosions caused one casualty. Other explosions targeted police stations in Tanintharyi and Bago, and polling stations in Dawei and Pyay. In Yangon and Ayeyarwady, markets were closed and civilians risked arrest.
The junta's widespread territorial crisis has become undeniable. Just 12 hours before the polls opened, the Union Election Commission cancelled voting in nine more townships, bringing the total to 65 out of 330 nationwide, as well as 3,000 villages.
Military experts estimate that the junta maintains stable control over only 20-25% of the territory. A critical indicator is the 61 municipalities under official martial law: “black zones” where military commanders have replaced civilian administrators due to resistance from the People's Defence Forces (PDF) and Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAO).
To manage the forces, the regime planned the elections in three phases, allowing for the rotation of troops guarding the polling stations. Reports from human rights groups indicate a 30% increase in air raids and drone strikes against ‘grey zones’ in the weeks leading up to the vote in order to suppress resistance.
The legitimacy of the elections was also compromised by the absence of credible international monitoring. In 2015 and 2020, prestigious international bodies such as Global Election Watch, the Carter Centre and the European Union sent hundreds of observers.
This year, only six countries sent representatives: China, India, Russia, Belarus, Vietnam and Cambodia, all considered partial allies of the military junta. Western nations, the UN and human rights groups condemned the illegitimate process. The National Unity Government (NUG) and resistance groups called for a boycott.
Adding to the chaos is a fundamental dispute over the electoral rolls. Previously, the rolls were published three months in advance to allow for public verification. For these elections, the Union Election Commission published the lists six weeks in advance, and critics point out that they are not based on actual census data, failing to take into account the millions displaced by the conflict or those who fled the country after the 2021 coup.
‘The list is a ghost list,’ said a local observer who asked to remain anonymous. ‘It ignores the reality of a population in crisis.’
In conclusion, preliminary results from this first phase are expected shortly, but the final nationwide outcome will not be known until the end of January. The second and third phases are scheduled for 11 and 25 January 2026. Analysts warn that violence could intensify as voting moves to more contested border regions.
The junta's attempt to fabricate democratic legitimacy has revealed the depth of its isolation. As election day drew to a close, with empty polling stations and the echo of incessant explosions, the message from the Burmese people to their military rulers was unequivocal: this charade will not hold.
.png)
03/02/2021 10:50
