Censorship becomes a business weapon in Russia

Russia’s “foreign agents” register currently contains over 1,200 individuals and more than 1,500 projects, organisations and titles of various initiatives. Some have managed to have their names removed by striking deals with the authorities to save their businesses and reputations. But there are also those who find themselves on the list without even knowing why.

Moscow (AsiaNews) - In the Russian market, increasingly disrupted by military actions, the accusation of being an ‘inoagent’ – the much-persecuted ‘foreign agent’ – is used to get rid of competitors and take over their businesses.

Many Russians believe that the status of inoagent does not apply to them: “I don’t give interviews to foreign journalists, I’m not on the list of enemies of the state, I’ve never supported Navalny, I don’t travel abroad”, so it would seem they are “completely clean”, but often this illusion of innocence is undermined not by state bodies, but by their own compatriots seeking to make a name for themselves.

A damaging reputation can be pinned on someone based on fabricated interviews published in little-known media outlets, which are dug up during commercial disputes to put pressure on opponents.

Even if the person in question insists they never gave such interviews, the association of their name with foreign newspapers critical of the government or the war remains a stain that is difficult to wash away completely.

Lawyer Maksim Oleničev of the rights defence project Pervyj Otdel (the “First Office”, reminiscent of the KGB), told Radio Svoboda that these “dirty” tactics in the Russian business world are not yet very common, but appear to be on the rise.

As he reports, “these are isolated cases, but increasingly strict legislation against inoagents is allowing this practice to spread more and more widely”.

In fact, this is a law that is constantly being revised with additions and amendments, yet remains vague and ill-defined; the decision to declare ‘hostile’ status lies with the Minister of Justice, but in reality many state bodies claim this authority for themselves – the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the FSB services, the Centre for Combating Extremism – before the matter reaches the Ministry’s desks, which often merely rubber-stamps the decision.

The designation remains highly arbitrary, but once decided, an endless series of obligations and restrictions are applied, and attempts are made to strip businesspeople of their property and financial assets.

Even people who are absolutely loyal to the regime end up being listed as inoagents: they make no donations to ‘suspicious’ organisations or associations, watch only Pervyj Kanal on TV, and have no dealings with foreign nationals.

The law on foreign agents has been in place since 2012, and the register currently contains over 1,200 individuals and more than 1,500 projects, organisations and titles of various initiatives. Some have managed to have their names removed by seeking compromises with the authorities, in an attempt to save their businesses and their reputation within Russian society.

Publicists and journalists have also ended up on the blacklist; after being reinstated, they have begun to sing the highest praises of state policy, without a shred of criticism.

The law was last amended in 2022, immediately following the invasion of Ukraine, and today any form of online dissemination of dissenting views – even simply by liking other people’s posts – can be defined as ‘activities of a foreign agent’. In practice, the register includes anyone who dares to express a personal opinion – and often not even that, but merely because others have attributed to them views they have never publicly expressed.

With the increasingly radical banning of foreign platforms and social media such as Facebook, Instagram or Telegram, it is no longer even necessary to post or publish anything; simply being registered on them is enough to be suspected of “pro-foreign sentiment”.

This triggers various prohibitions, ranging from political activity to the possibility of being paid for intellectual work, to the sale of property and vehicles. Naturally, authors of ‘unwelcome’ books will be unable to receive royalties from publishers, and teachers easily lose their jobs.

Since the start of 2026, inoagents have been burdened with an additional tax, up to 30% higher than that of ‘ordinary’ citizens, effectively ensuring that these people leave Russia for good.

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