by Vladimir Rozanskij

The well-known Putin opponent filtered it from the Melekhovo prison. Divided into 15 points, it envisages the 'dismantling' of the Putin dictatorship. End the war and recognise the 1991 borders between Russia and Ukraine. Replace the presidential model with a parliamentary republic. 

Moscow (AsiaNews) - Just a few days before the anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine, opposition leader Aleksej Naval'nyj has managed to get a document out of the Melekhovo prison in which he sets out his political platform for the reorganisation of Russia after the war and dictatorship.

The 15-point programme includes the recognition of the 1991 borders between Russia and Ukraine, the 'dismantling' of the Putin dictatorship, and the transition to a parliamentary republic.

"I have tried to formulate in extremely concise form my political vision of the future, which I hope will be shared by many ordinary people who live in Russia and want the good of their country."

The first point is a condemnation of the war, which Putin tries to pass off as 'popular', but the reality is that Russians do not want it, so he has to send the criminals and the forcibly mobilised to the front.

The imprisoned politician then exposes the political and economic reasons for the war, which are internal to Russia in order to strengthen Putin's power at any cost, with an obsession with historical legacy in order to be recognised as the 'victorious tsar' and 'reunifier of the lands'.

The third point is the condemnation of war crimes, which caused millions to suffer, followed by the recognition of military defeat, which is the consequence of aggression combined with corruption, the incapacity of generals, economic weakness and the heroic motivation of the Ukrainian resistance.

That is why the fifth point is the return to internationally recognised post-Soviet borders, even though 'all borders in the world are often random, and cause various discontents, but one cannot make war in the 21st century, otherwise the whole world would end up in chaos'.

Therefore it is necessary to 'leave Ukraine in peace, and give it the chance to develop according to the will of its people' by stopping the aggression.

In the seventh point, one must 'seek ways of compensating for the damage together with Ukraine, the US, the EU and Great Britain'. One possibility could be the lifting of sanctions on Russian gas and oil, allocating a fair share of export earnings to the reconstruction of Ukraine.

In addition, it will be necessary to open an investigation into war crimes, together with all international institutions.

In the ninth point Naval'nyj poses a question: 'Is imperial consciousness to be attributed to all Russians?' The answer is that 'this is nonsense, then we should also accuse the Belarusians of imperial consciousness, whereas they simply have a dictator in power'.

In Russia, as in every country with its historical contradictions, people with imperial power mania are never the majority, 'it is not worth tearing their clothes off and shouting at each other'. These people 'must be defeated in elections, as right-wingers and radical left-wingers win in all countries'.

At the ninth point Naval'nyj poses a question: 'Is imperial consciousness to be attributed to all Russians?' The answer is that 'this is nonsense, then we should also accuse Belarusians of imperial consciousness, whereas they simply have a dictator in power'.

In Russia, as in every country with its historical contradictions, people with imperial power mania are never the majority, 'it is not worth tearing their clothes off and shouting at each other'. These people 'must be defeated in elections, as right-wingers and radical left-wingers win in all countries'.

Russia 'is a huge country, with a shrinking population and a disappearing province'. The legacy of the war is laden with complex and 'at first sight insoluble' problems, and one must decide where one wants to go.

The twelfth point reiterates the need to compensate Ukraine by 're-establishing normal relations with the entire civilised world, pulling us out of the abyss into which we have sunk'.

It then proposes the establishment of a parliamentary republic, based on alternating power through honest elections, an independent judiciary, federalism, local self-government, full economic freedom and social justice.

Naval'nyj concludes the programme by hoping that Russia will become "aware of its own history and tradition, becoming part of Europe and following its path of development. We have nothing else, and there is nothing else we need."